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Blog Archive

Change of Officers

Submitted by editor on Thu, 08/08/2013 – 22:50

We are very sorry that, a while ago, John Cross resigned as an Officer of STV Action and our Webmaster. We thank him for all the excellent work he did for the site, and for the transitional help he has given us since. We appreciated his assurance that he still believed that STV was the best voting system but that he had other priorities.

We are very pleased that David Smith has agreed to join us as an Officer and as Acting Webmaster. David has long been committed to STV and is an experienced activist. He was Treasurer of Fair Votes for Dorset during the AV referendum campaign. He successfully moved a resolution at the ERS’s AGM last year to commit the Society to give priority to campaigning for STV in English and Welsh local government elections. It was passed by over 92% of the votes and was binding on the Society.

We wish to convert the Website to a new platform to make it easier to maintain and David will kindly take us through the technical process.

Links

Submitted by editor on Thu, 07/02/2013 – 17:11

We recommend the websites of the Proportional Representation Society Of Australia – http://www.prsa.org.au – and The Center for Voting and Democracy (USA) – http://www.fairvote.org – to all readers.

STV Action is now on Facebook. Visit it. “Like” it to help the campaign. Post your views on it.

Please contact the editor if you can recommend any other links.

Short explanation of STV

Submitted by editor on Mon, 28/01/2013 – 11:20

“STV” stands for “Single Transferable Vote”. Each voter has one vote and may transfer it.

Each constituency elects a number of MPs (typically five). So that the House of Commons would not have to be any bigger than it is now, a group of (say, five) present single-member constituencies would be put together to make one multi-member constituency.

Voters have a single vote, which can be transferred according to their wishes from their first to second choice candidate and so on. They can express their choices for as many or as few candidates as they wish. They vote by writing “1″ against their first choice, “2” against their second and so on as far as they wish.

To be elected, candidates have to obtain a “quota” of the votes cast. The quota depends on the number of votes cast and the number of seats to be filled.

The first choice votes for each candidate are counted. If a candidate reaches the quota, then that candidate is elected. Surplus votes (above the quota) are redistributed in proportion to the wishes of the candidate’s voters and that process continues until all the seats are filled.

If not all places have been filled and there are no surpluses left, then the votes of the candidate with the fewest votes will be transferred to the next choices of that candidate’s voters. If necessary, this is repeated until all the places have been filled.

Please see  8 March, page 2 and scroll down, for the main advantages of STV. You may also find FAQ, at the top of this page, useful.

Please e-mail “Subscribe STV News” to  the editor if you would like to receive irregular e-mailings about STV.

Reducing the Commons’ subordination to government

Submitted by editor on Sat, 27/07/2013 – 22:04

According to a BBC report of 18 July, The chair of the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee has said the House of Commons remains “acquiescent in its subordination to government”, despite recent reforms.

The Committee has proposed various reforms in its report, but we recommend electing MPs by STV in multi-member constituencies. Although this may not be the complete solution, it should help considerably to reduce the Commons’ subordination to government.

STV, more than any other voting system, increases voters’ powers and makes representatives more dependent on their voters and less dependent on the leadership of their parties. This would reduce party patronage and make it easier for back-benchers to call the Government to account. Being more accountable to their voters could also encourage them to call the Government more to account.

Also, because STV makes it easier for a popular but deselected MP to be re-elected, it reduces the power of the leadership to end an independently minded MP’s career.

STV is a proportional system of election that has many unique advantages in addition to being proportionate and this is one of them.

Egypt – It’s the system again, stupid!

Submitted by editor on Fri, 12/07/2013 – 21:52

Western Governments are in a quandary regarding the recent military coup that deposed President Morsi of Egypt.

They are probably not very enthusiastic about supporting a leader whose opponents accuse him of trying to move his country away from its newly acquired and fragile democracy and towards an Islamist state. On the other hand, they are reluctant to support a military coup that removed an allegedly democratically elected President. His supporters continue to claim the democratic legitimacy of his regime because he was elected and the BBC often repeats that, but how democratic was his election? It was legal in the sense that it was conducted according to the constitution and laws of Egypt, but that does not necessarily make it democratic. The BBC does not seem to realize that.

As we wrote under “The lesson of Egypt” at on 28 May, page 1 and scroll down. “The two leading candidates [in the Egyptian Presidential election] had fewer than half the total votes between them in the first round [of voting]. In other words, most Egyptian voters did not want either of them to become President” and yet all the other candidates were excluded from the decisive second round.

The only candidates available to voters in the second round were one who was associated with the previous military regime and one (Mr Morsi) of the Islamist-based Muslim Brotherhood. Given such a choice, most Egyptian voters probably voted for the candidate they disliked less as the system did not allow them to vote for one they really wanted.

A new Presidential election now would not solve the problem if it was on the same system. An unpopular President would probably be elected again and this would probably exacerbate the situation and further reduce faith in democracy.

The election should have been by the Alternative Vote (AV).

Voters would vote have only once and would have had a free choice of ALL the candidates. The final winner would have been supported by more than half the votes in the final round.

The winner with AV might or might not have been one of the two who went through to the second round, but he would have had, and be seen to have had, majority support; i.e. he would have had a genuine democratic legitimacy.

There is a good chance that the winner under AV would have been less extreme than either President Morsi or his runner-up and would have been more acceptable than either of them to the Egyptian public. Even if President Morsi had won under AV, it would have been clear from the transfer of votes to whom he owed his power. He might then have governed with them in mind as well as his core Muslim Brotherhood supporters and been less unpopular.

Although it is too late now to avoid the undemocratic result of the recent Presidential election and the subsequent coup, the Egyptian authorities should ensure that the country’s next President has a genuine democratic legitimacy. The best way to do that is to hold the next Presidential election by AV.

Falkirk – It’s the system, stupid!

Submitted by editor on Fri, 05/07/2013 – 17:10

There is something unseemly about a union allegedly packing the membership of a local party to get its nominee selected as the party’s prospective candidate. It seems doubly unseemly when it is a safe seat so, in effect, the party will choose the MP. Unfortunately, it is also more likely to happen in a safe seat, because the prize is greater.

On the other hand, if I desperately wanted to become a party’s candidate, I might well encourage all my relations, friends and colleagues to join the party and vote for me. Wouldn’t you? Of course, it seems much worse when one applicant has a lot of colleagues in the same union. That is unfair on other applicants. It will be much worse if it turns out to be true that, as claimed, the union “enrolled” some people as party members without their consent.

However, if it is wrong for a union to steal the selection from the local party, isn’t it worse still for a party to steal the election from the voters? But that’s what the dominant party – not only Labour – does in every safe constituency with our 19th century voting system.

The Single Transferable Vote (STV) in multi-member constituencies would solve the problem. It would give voters a choice not only between the various parties but also between candidates of the same party. In a safe Labour area like Falkirk, there would still be a Labour MP, but voters would decide which Labour candidate. In a safe Conservative area like Arundel and South Downs, there would still be a Conservative MP, but voters would decide which Conservative candidate.

Open primaries have been suggested as a solution, but STV combines open primaries and elections in one event, which is more efficient and less expensive than two events. Please see  8 March, page 2 and scroll down, for other advantages of STV.

STV in multi-member constituencies is the best system for electing a group of representatives, such as a Parliament, Council or Committee.

Overwhelming vote against West Sussex Conservatives gives them overwhelming victory

Submitted by editor on Tue, 07/05/2013 – 15:23

In West Sussex, the Conservatives took nearly twice as many seats as all the other groups combined even though more than three out of five voters voted against them.

It took 1,557 votes to elect a Conservative Councillor but 5,475 (more than three and a half times as many) to elect a UKIP Councillor.

In the Worthing Pier division, more than seven out of ten voters voted against the Conservative winner, who had the lowest share of the votes of all the winners.

Although the Conservative Party gained unfairly overall from the First Past The Post voting system, there were examples of individual Conservative candidates who may have suffered from it.

First Past The Post helped the Labour Party in Southgate & Crawley Central, where the party’s candidate saw his share of the vote fall to 37%, but he still defeated the Conservative candidate to whom he lost last time, because UKIP split the Conservative vote this time.

In Selsey, UKIP gained the seat from the sitting Conservative by a mere 110 votes, while the Labour candidate attracted 332 votes. So the UKIP candidate won although more voted against him than for him. If the voting had been by Alternative Vote (AV), the 332 Labour voters could have expressed a second preference, the winner would have represented the majority and it might have been the Conservative.

It was not just the underrepresented UKIP, Liberal Democratic, Labour and Green Parties who were robbed by the undemocratic First Past The Post voting system but also, and more importantly, the voters who did not get the Council they voted for. Some individual Conservative voters were probably also robbed as the examples of Southgate & Crawley Central and of Selsey show.

This is more evidence that England and Wales should use the more democratic and efficient Single Transferable Vote (STV) for local elections like Scotland and Northern Ireland already do.

FPTP robs Cambridgeshire Greens

Submitted by editor on Mon, 06/05/2013 – 13:15

The Conservatives were the main beneficiaries and the Labour and the Green Parties were the main losers in Cambridgeshire of the undemocratic First Past The Post voting system used in last Thursday’s County Council elections.

The Conservative Party won 32 seats instead of the 23 that its support deserved while Labour won only 7 instead of 12. First Past The Post really punished the Green Party by denying it any seats at all although its fair share would have been 3.

The Liberal Democrats and UKIP got close to their fair shares but both lost slightly. The Liberal Democrats won 14 instead of 15 and UKIP 12 instead of 14.

Independents seemed to do well by winning 4 seats instead of the 2 that their votes would indicate but it is difficult to calculate how independent candidates with perhaps very different views from each other would have fared. Voters who supported one independent candidate may not have wanted to support all the others.

For the purpose of this blog, each party’s fair share has been calculated simply over the whole county. In practice, there would be slight differences according to which system of proportional representation (e.g. STV) was used, where the boundaries of the electoral divisions were and, of course, how people voted.

Changing the system would probably change the way many people vote. For example, there are many parts of the country (especially in rural areas) where Labour supporters know that voting Labour is useless under First Past The Post, so many of them either vote Liberal Democrat to try to defeat the Conservatives or they abstain. They would probably vote Labour in accordance with their consciences if STV was introduced. In other parts of the country (mainly urban) it is Conservatives who would waste their votes under First Past The Post and who would vote by STV for their true beliefs

Tories win Kent although 6 out of 10 voted against them

Submitted by editor on Sun, 05/05/2013 – 21:31

Kent County Council elections 2013

An analysis by Michael Steed and Eric Syddique

Kent Conservatives will exercise untrammelled power in County Hall with the approval of little more than a third of the voters – they won nearly 54% of the seats for 36% of the votes.

The overall results in Kent were:

Party — %Votes — %Seats

Cons — 36.1 — 53.6

UKIP — 27.0 — 20.2

Lab — 19.9 — 15.5

LibDem — 9.8 — 8.3

Green — 3.8 — 1.2

Others — 3.3 — 1.2

The smaller opposition parties, notably the Liberal Democrats, did not do so badly out of the voting system. The big losers were Labour and UKIP, whose supporters are seriously under- represented in County Hall.

Any system of proportional representation would have produced a council with no one party in charge – as the voters clearly wanted. To provide a picture of what county hall could have looked like, we have applied the rules most used in Britain for bodies elected by proportional representation (the regional list system).

We use Kent’s twelve districts to keep a constituency basis, rather than use a pure, Kent-wide, proportional system. Seats are allocated to the parties in each district by the formula used to elect British MEPs, which favours larger parties.

On the votes cast last Thursday, that would have produced a County Council of 35 Conservative, 26 UKIP, 17 Labour and 6 Liberal Democrat members. Two of the three larger groups would have to work together to form a majority, whether in coalition or on an ad-hoc basis.

The difference between that more balanced Council and the 84 people who will be deciding Kent’s affairs is much greater than the party numbers indicate. In a fair-votes Council, each of the two main party groups would have at least one member from each Kentish district.

In contrast, no group has that now. Thanet, with eight county councillors, will now have no one in the ruling majority group. With PR, the Conservatives, who took exactly a quarter of the votes cast in Thanet, would have two of the eight seats.

Labour now has members from only six districts; with a fair-votes Council, the Labour voters in the county town, Maidstone, and in South-west Kent, all now without a voice, would be represented, with a Labour member from everywhere but Tunbridge Wells.

The biggest difference would be in the composition of the UKIP group. All but one of their seventeen councillors was elected for one of the seats in the coastal belt from Sheppey round to Romney Marsh. In this stretch of coastal Kent, covering Swale, Canterbury, Thanet, Dover and Shepway, there were 44,206 UKIP voters, now represented by 16 UKIP councillors.

Yet there are nearly as many UKIP voters in the rest of Kent – 42,247 to be precise, now represented by just one seat in Tunbridge Wells. The absurdity is well shown by the imbalance between two adjoining districts, inland Ashford and coastal Shepway.

In Ashford UKIP came a good second with 29% of the vote, more than Labour (15%) and Liberal Democrat (10%) combined. Yet each of the latter two parties won a seat, while UKIP was not awarded a single one. In Shepway, UKIP appeared to be far more popular, sweeping the board in Folkestone town, and taking four of the district’s six seats. But when the votes for Shepway are added up, we find that the Conservatives, with 8,368 votes, actually topped the poll ahead of UKIP with 8,265. The UKIP share in Shepway (32.3%) was actually little higher than in Ashford.

With PR, there would have been two UKIP councillors from each district instead of four from one and none from the other; the Conservatives would have won two fewer in Ashford and two more in Shepway.

This example illustrates how the advantages of a fairer voting system are not just about a fairer reflection of political strength. Any constituency-based PR system, such as the single transferable vote used in Northern Ireland or in Scottish local elections, or the regional list system, whose rules we have followed, also produces a much more geographically representative council.

SV (silly voting) in Doncaster

Submitted by editor on Sun, 05/05/2013 – 19:47

Doncaster voters elected a Mayor by SV on Thursday. SV is supposed to stand for Supplementary Vote, but it may as well stand for silly voting.

The curious thing is that SV was invented to cope with the deficiencies of First Past The Post so at least its supporters recognize that First Past The Post is deficient. The sad and scandalous fact is that it fails to do that.

There was a turnout of 61,385 in Doncaster and the winner won by 639 votes in the second round of counting. But 11,296 votes were wasted; i.e. the first preferences were for candidates excluded from the second round and the second preferences were not counted for one reason or another. About 2,000 of those votes were wasted because the voters did not express a valid second preference, but 9,320 people did not cast their 2nd preference votes for one of the two leading candidates. In other words, 9,320 people were disenfranchised by the SV system. If those citizens had not been disenfranchised (i.e. if they had been allowed to express all their true preferences), the result might have been different but we shall never know.

AV Alternative Vote) would have avoided that. Voters could have expressed third and fourth preferences etc in the knowledge that one of their preferences could count in the final stage of counting and the winner would have had to have over half the votes at that stage.

Although it is certain that one of the two leading candidates would have won if AV had been used, we cannot know which one. We do not know whether the winner under SV really represents a majority of voters or not.

The basic problem with SV is that it works only for those voters who can guess who the two leading candidates will be and who are prepared, if necessary, to abandon their principles to cast their second preference for one of the two.

AV is the fairest and most efficient way to fill a single vacancy such as a Mayor or Police and Crime Commissioner.

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