Boundary changes are sticking plaster solution

You can comment in your own words on the Boundaries Commissions’ proposals by pointing out that changing the boundaries of single-member constituencies for FPTP elections is only tinkering with the problem; it’s a short-term sticking plaster solution. For this kind of comment, it’s probably better to make a “general comment” although you can make specific comments (e.g. on your own constituency) if you wish.

One of the advantages claimed for FPTP is the alleged link between MP and constituents, but it’s not much of a link when constituents are shipped arbitrarily from one constituency to another just to make the numbers right. This can happen every few years.

The Commissions have to produce constituencies that are similar in numbers of voters. They are also expected to try to keep natural communities together (e.g. not cross county or district council boundaries) but that’s impossible if the constituencies are to be about equal in size, so they do sometimes split communuities.

The only long-term solution is to introduce proportional representation, where boundaries are less crucial. With STV, for example, about five of the present single-member constituencies could be merged into one five-member constituency.

That could be one recognized community, like a town or county. Then that constituency and the nation as a whole would be represented in Parliament in proportion to the votes cast.

The Boundaries Commission for England has published its proposals and you have until 5 December to comment on them.

The Commission is holding hearings around England, where you can appear in person, but you need to book your 10-minute slot in advance. You should visit to do that.

In addition or alternatively, you can express your views online and is the site to visit for that.

You may find it helpful to read “Review details” on the site before you comment but don’t let them put you off. The Commission’s purpose and powers are very closely regulated by the conditions established by Parliament, so it will probably ignore the kind of comments suggested above.

Nevertheless, every comment made online or at a hearing will be recorded and be on record for the public and news media to see. Imagine the impact if thousands of people call for PR!

Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have their own Boundaries Commissions and will be consulting the public in their own areas on their proposals. If you live in any of them, you can search for your own Boundaries Commission’s proposals and how to comment on them.

Please post your comment or book your slot to comment in person. Please do it now – before you forget!

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Electing a Representative [Federal] Parliament

Canada is reviewing the FPTP voting system it currently uses. Here is a copy of James Gilmour’s excellent evidence of 6 October to the Canadian Parliament’s all-party Special Committee on Electoral Reform that is taking evidence on voting systems:

“For any representative democracy to function properly in the best interests of its citizens, the representative assembly those citizens elect must be properly representative of those who vote in the relevant elections. Canada is a representative democracy but, sadly, its various representative assemblies (Federal Parliament, Provincial Parliaments) have not been properly representative of those who voted in most of the federal and provincial elections.

“The root of this problem lies in the current voting system used to elect the assemblies: the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) voting system in single-member ridings. Over many years the results of elections in Canada, at federal and provincial level, have provided glaring examples of the distortions and instabilities that are the hallmarks of FPTP wherever it is used. At most elections FPTP manufactures false majorities, usually by giving an overall majority of the seats in the Parliament to a party that had only minority support among the voters. Sometimes FPTP gives this false majority to the ‘wrong’ party, i.e. not to the party that won the most votes, but to a party with even less support among the voters.

“It is less obvious, but at every one of these elections about half of those who voted were left with no representation in the legislature. Sometimes it is more than half, sometimes less than half, but with FPTP it always around one-half. The assemblies were not properly representative of those who voted. None of this should be acceptable in a modern representative democracy. We do know how to do better.

“If your aim is to the elect a properly representative Legislature, you must use a system of Proportional Representation (PR). There are many systems of PR, but in reality you have only one very simple choice. Is your aim to secure proportional representation of registered political parties or is your aim to secure proportional representation of the voters? Do you wish to entrench the power of the political parties or do you wish to empower the voters? This is a very simple choice, but it has far-reaching consequences for the representation of the citizens of Canada and for politics in the Federal Legislature.

“If you want only to secure PR of registered political parties, there is wide range of party PR voting systems available. Although they differ in detail, all these party PR voting systems have one common objective: to secure PR of political parties. Some of these systems offer the voter some choice among the candidates nominated by one party, but that choice is restricted. One serious consequence is that only by chance will most of these systems give proportional representation within the parties. It is common experience that the diversity of views within parties can be as important politically as the diversity of views among parties.

“If you want to secure PR of the views of the voters and make the Federal Parliament properly representative of those who vote in federal elections, you have only one choice – to use the Single Transferable Vote system of Proportional Representation (STV-PR), also known as “Choice Voting”. STV-PR is uniquely different from all other systems of PR: its objective is to secure PR of the views of the voters, i.e. to make the elected assembly properly representative.

“PR of the political parties will be the outcome of an STV election when that is what the voters want, but “party PR” alone is never the objective of STV. Unlike the party PR voting systems, STV is centred on the voters and the candidates. In contrast, party PR voting systems are centred on the registered parties. This difference determines the fundamental balance of power within the political system. Some political parties and some established politicians do not want to see STV-PR introduced, but that is because they do not want the balance of power shifted from the parties in favour of the voters. Those politicians do not want the representative assembly to be properly representative of the voters.

“To secure proportional representation you must elect together several members from within the same riding (= constituency, = electoral district), i.e. you must use multi-member ridings. The numbers of members elected together (“district magnitude”) will determine the degree of proportionality obtained. This applies to all PR voting systems, but all too often commentators confuse the effects of district magnitude with the effects of different PR voting systems. With the same district magnitude, all PR systems will give similar results in terms of the degree of PR obtained.

“The greater the number of members elected together, the greater will be the proportionality of the result. There is, however, an important trade-off between proportionality of representation and localness of representation. At one extreme, all MPs could be elected from province-wide constituencies. But that is neither desirable nor necessary. Completely acceptable proportionality can be obtained from much smaller ridings. For example, the 108 members of the Northern Ireland Assembly are elected by STV-PR from 18 constituencies, each of which returns six members. A very satisfactory degree of proportionality is obtained and each part of the Province elects its own local representatives who reflect the diversity of views within the local electorate.

“Where the density of population varies quite markedly within a country or province, STV-PR can be implemented more flexibly to reflect local conditions and to respect the boundaries of existing “natural” communities. There is sometimes an obsession with equalising all the variables that can be varied when devising a multi-member scheme for STV-PR, including the numbers of elected members per riding and the numbers of electors per elected member. But there is more to equality of representation than equalising these numbers. In any case, variations in turn-out in the elections will make nonsense of the extreme effort often put into the quest for such equalness. In Northern Ireland turnouts in STV elections have varied by 25% between constituencies and there is a strong correlation between party support and turnout. It is thus pointless putting all the emphasis on equalness of numbers when devising the scheme of multi-member constituencies.

“Whenever there is a proposal to change from FPTP with single-member ridings to a PR voting system with multi-member ridings, great play is made of the link between the elected member and the electorate within the single-member riding. It is said that introducing multi-member ridings will break this vital link. Be aware that many who advance this argument are, in reality, just opponents of reform who fear they and their party will lose out if local voters are represented fairly.

“Surveys at all levels of government have repeatedly shown that the alleged link between the elected member and the electorate of a geographically defined single-member riding is much weaker than many elected members would wish us to believe. In contrast, the introduction of STV-PR would strengthen the link between the elected members and their local electorates.

“This may seem a paradox: how could the change to multi-member ridings possibly strengthen the local link? But it is a fact, as politicians elected by STVPR in the Republic of Ireland and in Northern Ireland will testify. It comes about because of the power that STV uniquely gives to the voters to choose their representatives. With STV-PR each elected member is elected because he or she obtained the support of a personal ‘constituency’ of voters. Those voters voted that member in and they can just as easily vote that member out at the next election without having to vote against their preferred party. That greatly increases the accountability of the elected members to their local electorates. By empowering the voters in this way, STV-PR creates stronger local links than exist within geographically defined single-member ridings.

“Even though the alleged benefits of the ‘single member link’ are usually exaggerated for political ends, the creation of larger, multi-member ridings is an issue of real concern, especially in those rural areas where the population density is lowest. This is a particular issue in relation to Federal Parliament elections in Canada where the number of MPs per Province or Territory varies from 1 to 121. It should be quite easy to see how the larger Provinces could be divided into multi-member ridings of sizes appropriate to provide fair representation of the voters (proportionality) and ensure local representation while respecting the boundaries of recognised communities within each Province. At the other extreme, there is no need at all to amalgamate any of the Territories presently electing only one MP to the Federal Parliament. STV can be applied equally well in both situations. Of course, by electing only one MP from the riding it will not be possible to achieve “proportional representation” within that riding, but in such circumstances other aspects of proper representation of the local voters are more important and should be respected. The effect on the overall proportionality within the Federal Parliament will be small.

“Although it is beyond the remit of the Special Committee, it should be noted that the recommendations and comments above apply equally to elections to the several Provincial Parliaments in Canada. STV-PR could be applied to all of these elections. STV-PR also has the unique feature among PR voting systems that it can used in non-partisan elections, i.e. in elections where the candidates are not nominated by registered political parties but are independent or are nominated by local community groups. STV-PR would thus be ideal for city council and town council elections where these are non-partisan. There would be considerable merit in moving towards a voting system that could be used easily and effectively for public elections at all levels of governance.

“The Special Committee’s mandate set out five principles on which any proposal for electoral reform should be based. The adoption of STV-PR would score very highly in respect of all five principles.

“1. STV-PR would enhance the effectiveness and legitimacy of federal elections because the democratic will of Canadians, as expressed by their votes, would be fairly translated into representation in the Federal Parliament. STV-PR would reduce distortion and strengthen the link between voter intention and the election of representatives. These dramatic changes should increase the public confidence of Canadians in both the electoral process and their political representation.

“2. STV-PR would encourage voting and participation in the democratic process because the overwhelming majority of voters would then be represented in the Federal Parliament by an MP of their choice and would see that their votes would count. These changes would provide powerful incentives for more electors to vote. STV-PR promotes a collaborative approach both within and among political groups while respecting their diversity. STV-PR would certainly remove many of the present barriers to the inclusion of groups that are currently underrepresented in the political process. A properly implemented STV-PR scheme would ensure the effective representation of all significant points of view within the electorate.

“3. STV-PR is an accessible and inclusive voting system which is not at all complex from the voter’s point of view. The voter simply marks the ballot paper “1”, “2”, “3”, etc to indicate his or her personal choices among the candidates who have offered themselves for election to represent the voter’s riding. The voter can mark as many or as few choices as she or he wishes. Practical experience of STV-PR in public elections has shown that it is accessible by eligible voters with recognised disabilities e.g. those who are partially sighted or blind.

“4. STV-PR can be implemented to ensure reliable and verifiable results are obtained through an effective and objective process that would be secure and would preserve vote secrecy for individual Canadians. Practical experience of STV-PR in public elections has shown that all of these objectives can be achieved both when the votes are counted manually (as in the Republic of Ireland and in Northern Ireland) and when the votes are counted in a computerised system (as in Scotland). In all three of these implementations the original paper ballot papers, as marked by each voter, are available and retained for inspection and verification.

“5. STV-PR would greatly enhance the accountability of Members of Parliament to their local communities because of the power that STV uniquely gives to the voters to choose their representatives. With STV-PR each elected member is elected because he or she obtained the support of a personal ‘constituency’ of voters. Candidates who show that they understand local conditions and are prepared to advance local needs at the national level will be elected and re-elected, if that is what the local voters want. With STV-PR most ridings would return Members of Parliament from more than one party: that would give local voters access to a wider range of political representation within their own riding which is especially important when their concerns are of a partisan nature.”

Dr Gilmour’s evidence will probably soon be posted on where you can also see other evidence given to the Committee.

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Dirty Work on the Boundaries

Colin Buchanan wrote an article about the English boundaries review, which Church Times published on 7 October.

It reads:

“LAST month, a 24-hour news flurry in England heralded a constitutional change. It was not Brexit; it was not another Scottish referendum; it was not even troubles (or solutions) in the Labour Party. It was a report of the Boundaries Commission for England, which decides the shape of our Parliamentary constituencies. And, unnoticed, it presages deep political troubles for this country.

“It began in 2011. David Cameron, leading the Coalition, and fearing another coalition in 2015, hoped, instead, to ensure a Tory majority. His solution, with a specious appearance of justice, was to reduce the size of the Commons, and give all the constituencies equal numbers of voters. Currently, most have between 60,000 and 80,000 voters (quite a few outside at either end). The Boundaries Commission keeps an eye on the numbers, relating constituencies to genuine communities.

“So, in the 2015 General Election, within the 532 seats in England, Tories held 70 seats with fewer than 70,000 voters, and 42 seats with more than 80,000. Labour held 91 with fewer than 70,000 and only 19 with more than 80,000. Cameron planned to reduce the Commons by 50 seats (33 removed in England), and, by that reduction, push up the average size, requiring all seats equally to have just under 75,000 registered voters, varying by no more than five per cent. The effect of this would be to reduce Labour-held seats, and sustain or increase Tory-held ones. This was to win the 2015 General Election. His Coalition partners opposed it, and Parliament delayed implementation until 2020, fixing boundaries in 2018 based on the numbers who registered for the 2015 General Election.

“When, in 2015, Mr Cameron won a Commons majority without this help, Parliament could not rescind the whole business.

“Thus the Boundaries Commission has now issued the first draft of its proposals for
consultation. (The public can respond via the Commission’s website.)

“THE Commission emphasises its own political neutrality: it exists simply to implement the law. But the Tories had enacted this law unilaterally in their own interest. Labour cannot easily oppose the principle of equality of voting numbers in each constituency, but is arguing that the vast numbers newly registered to vote in the EU Referendum as the basis. By law, the Commission cannot do this; and, in any case, if restarting now, could not complete its work by 2018.

“There is, of course, talk of a snap General Election soon (although the legally imposed five-year period for the Commons is difficult to circumvent), and that, of course, would be done with the existing (i.e. 2015) boundaries.

“Meanwhile, Labour whistles to keep its courage up, and pumps up its morale by forecasting a greatly increased future Labour vote, and a resultant electoral victory. The first of these is just possible; the second impossible.

“The harsh reality is that even a Labour Party with total inner cohesion and a vastly increased membership cannot win a General Election — even with the present constituencies (i.e. in the case of a snap election). Labour would need to gain 100 seats, almost entirely from Tories (unless it recaptured Scotland). But there are fewer than 50 seats in England and Wales where, last year, Labour came within 5000 votes of a successful Tory — and many marginal ones where its MPs were at risk themselves.

“The point is this: one-and-a-half million more people could now vote Labour, even in the existing constituencies, without changing the result in a single seat. This is because voting in the 400 or more “safe” constituencies makes no difference to the result: a Labour MP with a 10,000 majority can increase it to 20,000 without any effect in the Commons. Increasing numbers of Labour voters in safe Tory seats similarly waste their votes.

“Those sad facts exist even before the redrawing of the constituencies for Tory purposes. Implementing the boundary changes will further secure Labour’s exclusion.

“WHY write this as a Christian? Well, the Anglican Communion’s fourth “mark of mission” is “to seek to transform the unjust structures of society”. Our electoral system promotes an unjust structure of government, and we ought to “transform” it. The injustice lies not in slightly differing numbers of voters in each constituency, but in the appalling first-past-the-post voting procedure.

“Mr Cameron’s prospectus, “Give each vote equal value”, sounds like justice; but it is more like using a car wash to ensure a car’s good appearance and conceal its poor mechanical state. To sell a car like that is a swindle; for our votes remain hopelessly unequal. In more than half the constituencies, no individual vote has value: the result is known before the polls open; the MP chosen by the party caucus cannot be defeated.

“In marginals, votes gain perverse value by being cast “tactically”. The current upshot is a Westminster regime elected by 36.9 per cent of those who voted. Despite this, it claims a mandate to do whatever it wishes. And the boundary changes will further entrench the Tories, possibly on an even smaller overall proportion of the votes.

“Anglicans are especially well placed to protest, because our own synodical life has, for almost 100 years, led the way in voting justice. The single transferable vote (STV — backed by Caroline Lucas, the Liberal Democrats, the Scottish Nationalists, and all parties in Northern Ireland) delivers the result that the electors want, in the proportions in which they want it, without any tactical voting and with a choice between individual candidates as well as between groups or parties.

“The Church of England does it: we hold the high moral ground. But, of course, STV for Westminster would make an overall majority for one party highly unlikely, and would give third and fourth parties the place that their support deserves. So the two main parties continue to covet that overall majority at whatever cost in justice in our representation. These two parties would never elect their own leaders by first-past-the-post; but they insist that we should elect them that way. The winners control the system, and are tying it up for long years ahead.

“So, what can the voters do? First, they can protest. Sadly, despite the involvement of bishops in the House of Lords, and despite the Christian voices that bid us use our votes responsibly when elections come around, none of them ever criticises this deceitful system. Instead, they play along with it.

“Surely they could at least say: “The present voting system shrieks its deficiencies, but nevertheless cast your vote.” We need to create a national atmosphere of righteous opposition, as there was when Margaret Thatcher introduced the poll tax.

“And all voters who favour a party other than that of their sitting MP should press their MP on how he or she can truly represent them in Parliament. At issue is accountability to the voters.

“The Scottish Nationalists have found a limited place, but the Liberal Democrats have lost out: in England we have deeply entrenched a two-party system. The boundary changes threaten to take things further and entrench just one party. We are being taken for a ride.”

The Rt Revd Dr Colin Buchanan is a past honorary president of the Electoral Reform Society, and is the author of a Grove booklet reflecting on the 2015 Election: An Ethical Case for Electoral Reform (2015).

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PR hindered Hitler

Every now and again, someone claims that PR put Hitler in power. It didn’t, so let’s put that false claim to rest.

Most of them probably aren’t deliberately lying; they may believe it but they haven’t researched the issue.

The Guardian published a slightly edited letter from me on this subject yesterday. Here is the unedited version:

“Florence Ingram (Letters, 21 September) is totally wrong to blame proportional representation (PR) for the rise of Hitler.

Far from helping the Nazis, PR prevented them from legally gaining the absolute power they would have gained under First Past The Post (FPTP). They seized power illegally.

In the 1933 General Election, the Nazis had the most votes and won the most seats but, because the election was by PR and they did not have a majority of votes, they did not have a majority of seats so Hitler formed a minority Government.

At his war crimes trial after the war, Goering gave evidence that the Nazis would have won every seat if the election had been by the British FPTP system. (Source: “How Democracies vote” by Enid Lakeman.)

Unable to achieve complete power by a democratic PR election, Hitler and the Nazis subsequently seized power illegally by a Putsch.”

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Elect Labour’s NEC (and the Shadow Cabinet?) by STV

STV Action is neutral on party politics, but the Opposition (i.e. alternative Government) needs to be strong.

Labour’s first priority now must be to heal the divisions after the leadership election. That will need understanding and tolerance from both sides but procedures can also help or they can hinder.

It is essential for the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC) to represent all shades of opinion fairly. A result similar to last year’s general election, in which one party gained an absolute majority for only a minority (36.9%) of the votes, would hinder the healing process.

A FPTP election could result either in all or most of the successful candidates supporting Jeremy Corbyn, but without the support of the Parliamentary Labour Party, or all or most of the successful candidates opposing him. Either result would feed resentment and could deepen the divisions. This would be unhealthy, not only for the Labour Party but also for the country. The Government and the country need a robust Opposition and the country needs to feel there is an alternative and viable Government available.

So Labour’s NEC should not be elected by FPTP like MPs are elected. Nor, if its members are to be elected, should the Shadow Cabinet. FPTP elections would hinder the healing process.

The only way to secure a fair result, acceptable to all, is to use a preferential and proportionate system; i.e. Single Transferable Vote (STV). With STV, each voter has one vote of equal value and all shades of opinion and both genders can be represented fairly. STV elections would help the healing process.

STV is a preferential voting system for electing members of a representative body. It is the equivalent of Alternative Vote (AV), which the Labour Party and Liberal Democrats use to elect their Leaders when there are more than two candidates for the position. Conservative MPs use the Exhaustive Ballot, which is similar to AV, to reduce their leadership candidates to two for the final selection by party members.

With STV or AV, voters simply vote by writing “1” against their 1st choice, “2” against their 2nd choice and so on. They can express as many or as few preferences as they wish, but they have only one vote. Unlike FPTP voting, that vote will be transferred according to the voter’s choice if it cannot count for their first choice.

STV doesn’t need weighting of votes, but that can be accommodated if required. For example, MPs, party member and TU candidates could be grouped in three separate constituencies electing different numbers of NEC or Shadow Cabinet members.

It is crucial for the party’s representative bodies actually to be representative and not only that but truly and fairly representative. Elections by STV are the best way to achieve this.

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Six voting systems

One of the defences offered for FPTP is that it is traditional and has worked well for many generations, so why change it?
Most of us know it doesn’t work well but it is less well known that it did not become universal within the UK until the 1950 General Election, which is within the lifetime of many people. Until then, many towns had two MPs, elected by F2PTP.
It hasn’t even become traditional since then. We have six voting systems in the UK! They are:
• FPTP for Westminster and some English and Welsh local elections;
• F3PTP and variations of it for some English and Welsh local elections;
• STV for local elections in Scotland and all N Ireland elections except to Westminster;
• AMS for Welsh and London Assembly elections;
• SV for Police and Crime Commissioners and directly elected Mayors;
• Closed lists in Great Britain for the European Parliament.

So FPTP isn’t traditional and it can’t be working all that well, or politicians wouldn’t have chosen other systems for so many elections.
The good news is that MPs usually reject FPTP when they choose a voting system to elect representatives other than themselves. One day, they may recognize, or be shamed into admitting, it isn’t the best way for them to be elected.

FPTP = First Past The Post
F3TP = First 3 Past The Post. (F2PTP is also quite common and F5PTP has been known.)
STV = Single Transferable Vote in multi-member constituencies or wards
AMS = Additional Member System
SV = Supplementary Vote

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The (representative) Parliament we might have had!

You can visit to see what the result of the 2015 General Election might have been if STV had been used and the voting pattern had been similar to the pattern in the actual FPTP election.

We are not saying this is exactly what would have happened but it does show what could happen. Although the author, Lewis Baston, had to make several assumptions to produce this projection so accuracy cannot be guaranteed, he is a very experienced political analyst.

If you support one of the two major parties in one of its strongholds, you may be concerned to think your party would probably lose seats in your region, but look at the regions where your party is less strong and see how it could win more seats there.

More Labour MPs in the south and rural areas and more Conservative MPs in the north and inner city areas would help each party to understand better the problems of those areas and reduce the north/south and town/country divides.

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Conservative leadership election

In brief, Conservative MPs whittle the candidates down to two and then the party members choose between those two.

The whittling down is by a crude, and rather cumbersome, variation of Alternative Vote (AV) known as the “Exhaustive Ballot”. Yes, curious isn’t it? The Conservative Party campaigned against AV in the 2011 referendum!

The MPs start with a ballot paper that lists all the candidates – five this time – and they can each vote for one candidate.

The candidate with the fewest votes will be eliminated.

Then the MPs vote again on the four remaining candidates. Again, the candidate with the fewest votes will be eliminated, to leave three this time.

Finally, the MPs vote all over again on the three remaining candidates. Yet again, the candidate with the fewest votes will be eliminated, to leave the final two this time.

So, unless any candidates withdraw, MPs vote three times. It’s a good job there are only five candidates!

The system is described more fully at

The good news is that the party uses a system that is much better than the First Past The Post (Winner Takes all) system) it supports for electing MPs. The bad news is that the system it uses is so slow and inefficient.

If the Conservative Party used a preferential voting system like proper AV, there would still be up to three stages of counting but only one stage of balloting and the result would have been known today. All they would have to do would be to number the candidates in order of preference.

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Conservatives for reform

We are very pleased that Conservative Action for Electoral Reform (CAER) has relaunched its website on and also has a Facebook page. We urge all readers – especially but not only Conservatives – to visit the site and Facebook page and to encourage CAER.

This is more evidence that the electoral reform movement is all-party.

The Conservative case for reform is stronger than ever now, especially in Scotland, Wales and the north of England, and among Conservatives everywhere who are worried, post EU referendum, about the very existence of the UK.

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From EU “Bureaucrats” to unrepresentative British Parliament? No thanks! We want something better

STV Action is proud to be one of 39 organizations and individuals who have signed a letter to The Independent online calling for an early PR election, so that Parliament will really represent voters and the Government that negotiates the UK’s exit from the UK can speak for the nation instead of a mere 36.9% of it.

“The fundamental choices we make in the next two years will shape the United Kingdom for decades to come.” The Government that makes those choices for us must have a real mandate from us to make them.

In particular, the letter calls for a voting system:

• That those who are entitled to vote have a vote that counts, and counts equally no matter who they vote for, or where they live;
• That the share of seats a party gets should closely reflect the share of votes the people give them.

The second requirement no longer wants “seats to match votes”, and says “closely” reflect rather than “exactly”. Although we would prefer “reasonably” instead and “closely” might turn out to be a Trojan horse, we believe that the Single Transferable Vote (STV) is the only system that meets both these criteria.

Other signatories include Make Votes Matter (which organized the letter), Caroline Lucas MP (Green Party), Tim Farron MP (Leader, Liberal Democrats), Hywel Williams MP (Westminster leader of Plaid Cymru), Nigel Farage MEP (Leader, UKIP), Neal Lawson (Compass), and a number of local electoral reform groups.

To promote the call for a PR election, the signatories urge readers to sign a petition that can be found at and we also urge STV Action readers to sign it and to tell all their contacts about it.

Please see for Make Votes Matter’s Press release and for The Independent’s article.

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